U.S. Plans for Intervention in Haiti: A Complex Web of Interests

Haitians must face a hard truth — neither democrats nor republicans will save this country. Under Trump, the danger may be even greater. The only hands that will rebuild Haiti are our own.

Haitian Politics & Governance | The Haitian Pulse Editorial Team | August 11, 2025

For over thirty years, Haiti’s future has been shaped not in Port-au-Prince, but in Washington, Paris, and other foreign capitals — always to the benefit of outsiders, rarely to the benefit of Haitians. Now, more than six months into Donald Trump’s second term, the mask is off. Washington is not simply “considering” intervention; it is actively moving to tighten its grip through a U.N.-led mission, dressed up as a fight against gangs and chaos. The truth is clear: this is not about saving Haiti, it is about securing U.S. interests. And if history is any guide, the deeper America’s involvement becomes under Trump, the harsher the consequences Haiti will face.

U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio has already laid the groundwork, calling on the United Nations Security Council to authorize a multinational security mission in Haiti. His language is familiar — citing gang violence, the breakdown of order, and the need for urgent action. But Haitians have heard these words before, and they know the cost. “Every time the world comes to ‘save’ Haiti, it leaves with more control than it came with,” a Port-au-Prince political analyst observed.

History makes the warning plain. The U.S. occupation from 1915 to 1934 dismantled Haiti’s sovereignty and locked its economy into foreign control. The 1994 U.S.-led intervention to restore President Aristide came with economic conditions that gutted agriculture and deepened dependency. The United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH), from 2004 to 2017, promised peace but left behind a deadly cholera outbreak and a record of abuse. Every so-called rescue mission has left Haiti weaker.

Democrats have long been heavily involved in Haiti’s internal affairs, often under the banner of democracy-building and humanitarian aid. But their actions have consistently done more harm than good, placing pliable leaders in power and ensuring Haiti’s policies serve foreign priorities. When Trump first came to power, many Haitians believed his “America First” isolationism meant he would leave Haiti alone to solve its own problems. That belief has been shattered.

Trump is not stepping back — he is stepping in. His unpredictability is a danger in itself, opening the door to abrupt military moves, sudden policy shifts, and financial pressure designed to keep Haiti compliant. “With Trump, the only certainty is that Haiti’s interests will come second to America’s,” warned a Haitian diaspora leader in Miami. The designation of Haitian gangs Viv Ansanm and Gran Grif as foreign terrorist organizations, coupled with discussions of U.S. troop deployments, signals a readiness to act forcefully. Yet the Trump administration has also frozen over $13 million in funding for a U.N.-backed mission, sending a contradictory but calculated message: control the process, control Haiti.

Foreign interference is no longer subtle — it is blatant. Haitians are not even allowed to choose their own police chief without Washington’s shadow looming over the decision. The recent appointment of André Jonas Vladimir Paraison as the new Director General of the Haitian National Police (PNH) was followed almost immediately by a visit from a delegation of the U.S. State Department’s Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL). This came amid rumors that Washington might oppose Paraison’s appointment altogether. The message is unmistakable: even the leadership of Haiti’s own security forces is subject to foreign approval. This is not sovereignty — it is supervision. And it is no different from what Democrats have done for decades. The faces in the White House may change, the rhetoric may shift, but the underlying reality remains the same: Haiti’s political and security decisions are filtered through the lens of U.S. interests first.

Foreign troops will not solve Haiti’s deep-rooted crises. Military missions can temporarily silence the gunfire, but they cannot restore sovereignty, rebuild institutions, or cleanse the political system of corruption. And they will never prioritize Haiti’s independence over U.S. strategic interests. This is the master–slave dynamic in modern form — where Haitian leaders serve as intermediaries for foreign power, and the nation’s future is traded away for short-term survival.

“Haiti’s stability must be built by Haitians who answer to their people, not to foreign capitals,” said a civil society advocate in Cap-Haïtien. That means ending the cycle of dependency, rejecting the illusion that any U.S. administration — Democrat or Republican — will deliver Haiti’s liberation, and demanding leadership that puts Haitian sovereignty first.

The moment is critical. Either Haiti seizes this opportunity to unite behind credible, homegrown leaders capable of restoring security and dignity, or it resigns itself to another chapter of foreign domination. The Trump administration’s moves in these early months are a warning shot: expecting Washington to act for Haiti’s benefit is not just naïve — it is dangerous.

At The Haitian Pulse, the position is unwavering: foreign interventions may promise stability, but they deliver control. Trump’s return does not mean a break from the past — it may mean even worse days ahead. Haiti’s salvation will never come from abroad. It must come from Haitians willing to break the chains, dismantle the master–slave relationship, and lead with loyalty to their own people. Leave your thoughts in the comments below — your voice matters.

 

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